October 22, 2001
Issue

 

COVER
    Destination Kabul
The Northern Alliance plays a pivotal role in US plans to overthrow the Taliban, but it is Pakistan that holds the key to the stability of any future regime in Kabul. An exclusive despatch by the INDIA TODAY team from the battle zone.


 
PAKISTAN
   

General In Command
As the US attack on Afghanistan continues, the divergent pulls of pro-Taliban Islamists and pro-West "pragmatists" heighten tensions in Pakistan, forcing President Pervez Musharraf to sack some of his most powerful deputies.

 

 
FOREIGN POLICY
 

Gains And Losses
The war in Afghanistan changed all the regional equations. The Taliban and the jehadis were abandoned by Pakistan and India got a chance to regain a foothold in Afghanistan. A report on the diplomatic balance sheet.

 

 
LITERATURE
 

A Prize For Sir Vidia
The new Nobel laureate in literature is a civilisational man who travels in great style.

 

 
OTHER STORIES
     
 



 
 
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COVER STORY: DIPLOMACY

Does Afghanistan Matter?

 
 

A ROLE FOR THE KING: A shopkeeper in Quetta holds a portrait of Zahir Shah

It has always mattered to India. From 1947 to 1992, much to Pakistan's chagrin, Afghanistan was India's natural ally in the region. The Soviet invasion complicated matters and put India on the wrong side. Now it has an opportunity to rectify matters.

It won't be easy. India has allies in Russia and Iran. Both, for very different reasons, are anxious to rid Afghanistan of fundamentalist Wahabis. Though Iran is out of the loop, India and Russia have insisted that those linked to the Taliban should find no place in a future Afghan dispensation. Tajikistan and Uzbekistan feel likewise, and India has courted them systematically. Pakistan, on the other hand, is anxious that last-minute defectors from Mullah Omar's camp are honourably accommodated.

AMITABH MATTOO: Associate professor, JNU

 

 

"Pakistan's long-term gains will depend on whether the military regime can make a transition from jehadi culture to a society based on democratic values. It is true that the US often maintained links with dictators. However, given the fractured polity, Pakistan cannot be a strategic ally of the US unless it stabilises itself."

 
LT-GEN SATISH NAMBIAR: Director, United Services Institution
 

 

"There is unlikely to be any let-up in the activities of Pakistan-sponsored foreign mercenaries in Jammu and Kashmir. That is a battle that India will have to handle on its own. No one else is going to fight for us. Delhi should use the current situation to its advantage and flush out the terrorists in the Kashmir Valley as also in other parts of the country."

 

A proposal that is being firmed up envisages a 120-member interim assembly. Of this, 50 will be chosen by the Northern Alliance, 50 Pashtoons nominated by King Zahir Shah and other groups will be given 20 seats. The assembly will unanimously elect a transitional head. If unanimity proves elusive, the king will assume charge.

The US, whose knowledge of Afghanistan is less than elementary, is still wavering. There is pressure to give Musharraf a consolation prize. However, in view of what happened when the anti-Soviet war was subcontracted by the CIA to the ISI, a blank cheque is unlikely. The temptation will be to give Musharraf a different sop.

HOW DOES IT ADD UP IN KASHMIR?

Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee wrote to Bush after the October 1 outrage in Srinagar that there is a "limit to Indian patience". Pakistan interpreted this as India's readiness to exploit its difficulties and start a war. It cried foul and the world rushed to urge "restraint". However, Singh generously clarified in the US that India didn't "want to add to the already complex situation in Pakistan". He ruled out "hot pursuit" even as Vajpayee turned hawkish in Varanasi.

Is India confused and helpless? It certainly seems so. The cry of retribution is strictly for domestic consumption. India has been assured by the US that a ban on Jaish-e-Mohammed is imminent. At the same time, the US and Britain have ruled out incorporating terrorism in Kashmir in the global agenda. The Lashkar-e-Toiba won't be on the US black list because it's run by the ISI. Banning it offends the expediency of anti-terrorism.

 
 

BARGAINING: Musharraf trying to offset Afghanistan with Kashmir

So, how does India benefit from a global war against terror if its own jehadi problem is bypassed? Worse, if Musharraf is made to feel Kashmir can compensate for Afghanistan, what is there for India? Will it meekly join Israel in the list of friends made inconvenient by changed circumstances?

India, it is becoming clear, must expect no favours. It has to fight its own war. Singh is said to have told the US vice-president "Kashmir is our challenge". Against Musharraf's likely thrust on third-party mediation, India will do well to set its house in order. The world now knows terrorists have no human rights.

For the West, "homeland defence" is the priority. It sits up when New York is devastated, not when Srinagar explodes. Pakistan is known to be shifty and hand-in-glove with the jehadis but in the hunt for Osama bin Laden there's a role for a poacher turned gamekeeper. Pakistan borders Afghanistan. India doesn't.

Pakistan will be the flavour of the season till the Afghan war lasts. If Bush's campaign ends in Kabul, it will trigger a bloodier war in Kashmir. The US will just look away. Unless Pakistan starts burning and the smoke travels. In which case, India becomes the frontline state.


 
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