October 22, 2001
Issue

 

COVER
    Destination Kabul
The Northern Alliance plays a pivotal role in US plans to overthrow the Taliban, but it is Pakistan that holds the key to the stability of any future regime in Kabul. An exclusive despatch by the INDIA TODAY team from the battle zone.


 
PAKISTAN
   

General In Command
As the US attack on Afghanistan continues, the divergent pulls of pro-Taliban Islamists and pro-West "pragmatists" heighten tensions in Pakistan, forcing President Pervez Musharraf to sack some of his most powerful deputies.

 

 
FOREIGN POLICY
 

Gains And Losses
The war in Afghanistan changed all the regional equations. The Taliban and the jehadis were abandoned by Pakistan and India got a chance to regain a foothold in Afghanistan. A report on the diplomatic balance sheet.

 

 
LITERATURE
 

A Prize For Sir Vidia
The new Nobel laureate in literature is a civilisational man who travels in great style.

 

 
OTHER STORIES
     
 



 
 
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VIEWPOINT: KAUTILYA

Stop Whining, Start Doing

Petulance and pique will get us nowhere with the US — performance will

India and the US have been described as estranged democracies that have since become engaged democracies. However, after September 11, the atmosphere has changed. Embittered democracies may be too strong a phrase to describe this new phase in the bilateral relationship but it certainly captures the present mood in India, which feels that Pakistan has scored over it.

Pakistan's media strategy has been, as usual, far superior to ours. But the truth is we are behaving petulantly, viewing September 11 and its fallout exclusively from the prism of cross-border terrorism in Kashmir. Pique is preventing us from thinking clearly.

  • Is not the decimation of Pakistan's Afghan strategy and extermination of terrorist camps in Afghanistan in India's national interest?
  • Is not the destruction of Osama bin Laden's extensive global network and the neutralisation of his perversion of Islam in India's national interest?
  • Is not the replacement of the fundamentalist Taliban regime in Afghanistan by a genuinely multi-ethnic and secular government in India's national interest?
  • Is not America's greater leverage in Pakistan going to moderate China's influence and strengthen the forces seeking peaceful accommodation with India?
  • Is not the increased American and world involvement in fighting global terrorism in India's national interest?
  • Is not the changing geopolitics of Central Asia with its long-term impact on energy markets in India's national interest?
  • Is not this a moment of historic opportunity for India to work out a new relationship with Pakistan without which we can never fulfil our global destiny?

The short answer to these questions is a loud and unqualified "yes". Of course, the Americans did have the option of telling Pakistan that, look, we know your specialisation in export-oriented terrorism, we know that you aborted an earlier US plan to capture bin Laden in 1998 and we know that the Taliban has been created by you, so cooperate or else.

Instead, the Americans have indulged the Pakistanis. But why not? Does it not make eminent tactical and strategic sense? Unlike India, Pakistan shares a border with Afghanistan which is about 1,800 km long. Pakistan has built up the Taliban and was one of the three countries that had diplomatic relations with it. On the other hand, India had no contact whatsoever with the Taliban as it supports the Northern Alliance along with Russia and Iran. Pakistan is also not without its friends in the US conservative establishment and in the US military from the 1980s, although our fears of a parallel between America's current ardour for Pakistan and its alliance of two decades ago are vastly exaggerated.

Given the presence of religious fanatics in such large numbers in Pakistan and knowing fully well the undercurrent of antipathy to it in that country, America had to sugarcoat its approach to President Pervez Musharraf who may well be perfidious but at least draws inspiration from the father of Turkey's modernisation Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, incidentally also a great favourite of pre-1947 Jawaharlal Nehru. Pakistan is now poised to get a fresh imf loan of about $ 1.5 billion over and above the $600 million it has received since November 2000. Why should we grudge this since a bankrupt Pakistan is simply not in our national interest?

For the moment, quite naturally the Americans are fixated exclusively on two objectives-get bin Laden and force the Taliban out. Everything else is secondary. And why shouldn't it be? But we want the Americans and the world to also focus on Jammu and Kashmir. Is this the moment to thrust ourselves in such a childish manner knowing fully well that the US tend to be unifocal in its approach? On the one hand, we shout that Jammu and Kashmir is a bilateral issue to be sorted out by India and Pakistan. Then why are we disappointed when Tony Blair does not read from our script? We bemoan the US media's anti-India bias. But it is this very media that is exposing Pakistan's links to terrorism and is urging President George W. Bush to be cautious in cozying up to Pakistan.

It is wrong to assume that the Americans would allow its rapprochement with Pakistan endanger Indo-US ties. However, the moment the US realises that India has become a nato-No Action, Talk Only-economy and that diminishing returns to incentives for engagement with India have set in, then we are in serious trouble. Sadly, that moment of reckoning is fast approaching as our political parties are unable to transcend partisan positions and agree on a national agenda for the acceleration of economic growth, preservation of social harmony and resumption of the regional peace process.

(The author is with the Congress party. These are his personal views.)


 
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