India Today Group Online
 


October 29, 2001
Issue


COVER
   

Should India Attack
The Government is debating whether India should emulate America's war against the Taliban and strike the terrorist camps in Pakistan. PLUS the possible war scenario as seen by EXPERTS.

 
PAKISTAN
   

Riding The Tide
The US endorsement of Pakistan's position on Kashmir bolsters Musharraf's fortunes even as anti-American outrage gathers steam.

 

 
DIPLOMACY
 

Powell And Patience
President Bush's invitation to Vajpayee for a one-on-one in Washington next month makes up for the disappointment in New Delhi in the wake of Colin Powell's visit.

 

 
AFGHANISTAN
 

Autumn Of Turmoil
The Northern Alliance waits and watches the US moves in anticipation of a post-US-attack power struggle with the Taliban.
A look at the mood and the ground realities in Kabul.

 

 
OTHER STORIES
     
 



 
 
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VIEWPOINT: KAUTILYA

A Soldier's Journey

Powell came, Powell saw, Powell concurred — but with whom?

US Secretary of State Colin Powell has just completed a whirlwind visit to the subcontinent. It is now abundantly clear that the Americans have decided to put all their Pakistani eggs into the Pervez Musharraf basket. Whatever the Indians may say about the General's duplicitous nature and lack of trustworthiness, Washington has gambled and decided to back him to the hilt.

Such a strategy is not without its risks. In the past, unstinted support to an individual has cost the US dear as its experience with the Shah of Iran demonstrated. American backing of repressive, non-democratic regimes in many West Asian countries has also fuelled great resentment. Thus, the US will have to think of engaging Pakistan across a broad front over a period of time in as comprehensive a manner as possible. Musharraf himself is probably a marked man. Hence, a commitment to him should be accompanied by some thought to fallback positions.

But for the moment, Musharraf appears to be holding firm and has certainly impressed the Americans by taking on the fundamentalist forces in his country. That he may have done so out of compulsion and only because of American arm-twisting is besides the point. The fact is that the entire international community now sees Musharraf as a reasonable-sounding man with whom India must do business. Agra may have been a bitter experience but do we have any alternative other than to resume the peace process? A quiet American role may help structure the peace process better and not hold everything hostage to a settlement on Jammu and Kashmir.

The war in Afghanistan is grinding on. The US is groping for a quick solution. The military window of opportunity is open for just about a month before the onset of both Ramzan and the winter. This lends greater urgency to military operations, in the success of which India has a stake. Richard Haas, director of policy planning in the US State Department, has just been appointed to coordinate the political strategy. Although he is a West Asia expert, for the past few years Haas has been actively involved with the subcontinent as well. Zalmay Khalilzad, an Afghan-American scholar of distinction, is also playing a key role out of the White House. India has to work closely with them to ensure that a non-Taliban regime is installed in Kabul.

The primary requirement in the political strategy should be to look after Afghanistan's interests first and foremost and not be overly worried about what Pakistan thinks. However, we cannot deny Pakistan's legitimate security concerns in Afghanistan, although it may well be the case that Pakistan is deliberately overplaying the demographic dominance of Pashtoons in Afghanistan. Russia and Iran also have vital interests in Afghanistan, as do Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. Iran has made statements both supportive and critical of the US action in Afghanistan. But American suspicion of Iran runs deep. Uzbekistan has embraced America warmly and it looks as if the Americans will use it as a base for expanding their sphere of influence in Central Asia. The key resource-rich countries in the region, however, are Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan which are not directly embroiled in the Afghan conflict. It will help the US as well as all other countries if the UN were to orchestrate the political strategy and reconstruction.

Powell's visit has brought Kashmir back into sharp focus, more so because it was preceded by India's attack on terrorist-training camps across the Line of Control in Jammu and Kashmir. This was in keeping with the penchant of the two subcontinental adversaries for using high-profile visits to make their respective points in a dramatic manner. Kashmir may not quite be a "core" issue as Musharraf makes it out to be, but Powell and the rest of the world believe that it is a "central" issue between the two nuclear countries. At some stage surely we have to recognise this reality.

And at some stage surely we have to admit to ourselves that Jammu and Kashmir's continuing tragedy is not just the creation and consequence of cross-border terrorism masterminded by Pakistan. To be sure, in recent years the nature of militancy in the Valley has changed and we have been brutally exposed to export-oriented terrorism from Pakistan and Afghanistan. But this cannot be and is not the whole picture. There are strong domestic roots to our predicament in the Valley. Military options are extremely limited. Elections to the state Assembly are due in about a year. The next few months, therefore, are going to be crucial for broad-basing and sustaining the political process in that state and for taking steps to show to the world the great resilience and absorptive capacity of representative Indian democracy. The US can play a key role in reining in Pakistan so that the electoral process is conducted in a peaceful manner, but the primary responsibility to ensure that the elections are perceived as free and fair is ours.

(The author is with the Congress party. These are his personal views.)


 
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