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COVER
STORY: FRONTLINE DESPATCH
Lull Before A New Desert Storm
The Northern Alliance is holding back from a ground
war with the Taliban as the US begins decisive strikes
By Raj Chengappa in Jabal Saraj, Afghanistan
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READY AND WAITING: Northern Alliance tanks lined up in the town
of Khwaja Bahawudin
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In the lush Shomali
Valley on the outskirts of Kabul, the Bagram airbase is dwarfed by thick
vegetation. It provides a perfect camouflage for the rows of artillery
guns and tanks that both the Taliban and the Northern Alliance, the resistance
group, have lined up against each other. If you are not aware of it, you
may even miss seeing the military buildup. Bagram, 35 km from the centre
of Kabul city, is the oddest of battlefields. Half the airport, including
the control tower, is in the hands of the Northern Alliance that has positioned
about 7,000 of its troops and some of its finest armoury there. On the
other side of the runway, the Taliban regime has arrayed an equally mighty
armed force in the undulating terrain. It has recently been joined by
some of the hardiest fighters of Osama bin Laden's Al Qaida group, apart
from Pakistani jehadis.
The stakes are high. Bagram is the gateway to
Kabul for the Northern Alliance. For weeks now, Jabal Saraj, the southern
headquarters of the Alliance forces about 15 km from Bagram, has been
abuzz with rumours of a major offensive being launched to take the capital
from the Taliban.
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SHELL SHOCKED: A Northern Alliance
soldier watches in disbelief as US bombs are mistakenly dropped
on his camp
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But so far the alliance is clearly holding back.
For despite the almost daily bombardment of Kabul by American jets, the
Alliance's assessment is that the Taliban frontline in the Shomali Valley
has not been seriously dented. "America thinks that a few days of
bombing will defeat the Taliban. We know better," said General Baba
Jan, a senior commander, last week at Bagram. "We have been fighting
for 23 years and we have yet to bring peace to Afghanistan."
Just how long will the war against Afghanistan
and bin Laden's terrorist group last? That is America's and the world's
greatest worry as US forces launch the second phase of the operation.
In the first phase, through a campaign of sustained bombardment, it was
able to disrupt Taliban communications and substantially damage the armour
guarding the main cities. It established a fair degree of control of air
space in many areas. Its fighter jets and attack helicopters can now strike
at will.
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Despite the daily bombardment
by US forces, the Taliban frontlines are yet to be seriously dented.
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The US had hoped that the bombings would demoralise
the main Taliban commanders enough for them to rebel against Mullah Mohammed
Omar, the regime's supreme ruler. Pakistan even floated the alternative
of a moderate Taliban-Alliance combine forming a new government in Kabul.
But the Taliban forces have held together and backed Omar. And the Alliance,
suspicious of Pakistan trying to retain control of Afghanistan, refused
outright to be part of such a plan.
In its second phase, small groups of specially
trained American ground forces landed in Kandahar for a search and kill
mission against bin Laden and his main commanders other than Omar. Meanwhile,
in a major shift in its aerial bombing plan, US fighters began bombing
frontline Taliban positions in key cities, including Kabul. The goal:
to break the backbone of its military resistance into submission.
So cocky where the American fighters that a
pair of F16 fighters screamed over the Bagram air base on Tuesday and
dropped bombs on Taliban fortifications on the frontline. Embarrassingly
for them, they also hit some Alliance positions. Local Alliance commanders
frantically called up their generals to tell the US forces to be more
careful.
In another significant move, the US widened
the scope of the operation by bombarding Taliban positions in Herat, the
sensitive western province bordering Iran. The Taliban Government accused
the US of striking a hospital in the city and killing 100 patients, a
claim refuted by US General Richard Myers, chairman, joint chiefs of staffs.
Warplanes also pounded Taliban positions on
the road to the strategically important city of Mazar-e-Sharif in the
north. If the US and Alliance forces could wrest control of the city from
the Taliban, it could be used as a base to feed supply of military equipment
to the northern regions. By last week there were indications that US jets
were poised to strike other key northern provinces such as Kunduz and
cities like Talukhan where the Northern Alliance had so far been challenging
the Taliban forces unsuccessfully.
Importantly, there was a new sense of urgency
in the US efforts. The pressure was being felt on several fronts. If the
US wasn't able to make decisive gains within Afghanistan soon enough,
then local anger and frustrations against the bombings will build up.
Pakistani President General Pervez Musharraf warned that other Muslim
nations too would be angered if the war continued into the month of Ramzan
beginning on November 17.
There was also the worry of an early winter.
The Hindu Kush mountain ranges in northern Afghanistan have already had
snowfall. The high road passes will soon become unusable and considerably
hamper military movement for any major thrust against Kabul. US Secretary
of State Colin Powell admitted as much last week when he said, "We
need to see this matter resolved before the winter strikes as it makes
our operations that much more difficult." Myers, however, hastened
to clarify, "We are doing it in a measured way. It may take until
next spring. It may take until next summer-it may take longer than that
in Afghanistan." US Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld added, "There
are no time tables on this."
But clearly there are. British Prime Minister
Tony Blair has already said, "The next few weeks will be the most
testing time." Experts give the US led coalition around four weeks
to put military, diplomatic and political pieces into place. If not, the
campaign could get dangerously bogged down. Last week there was a flurry
of activity on all fronts to bring the war to a quick and successful end.
On the political front, steps to conceive an
alternative to the Taliban were hastened. There was talk of convening
within the next fortnight the Loya Jirga, comprising the 120-member Shura
or supreme council of tribal chieftains, to decide Afghanistan's future.
In a deal hammered out before the bombings began, Afghanistan's former
king Zahir Shah, who is heading the reconciliation committee, agreed to
allow the Alliance to choose half the representatives of the council.
Last week, in the Panjshir Valley, it was political
haggling more than military activity that kept key Alliance leaders busy.
Its suave Interior Minister Yonus Quanooni, widely seen as the choice
for the next prime minister, used all his negotiating skills to bring
about an agreement on the names of the 60 chieftains they had to put forward.
In Rome, Zahir Shah worked to finalise his list of candidates. By this
week, the two sides are expected to meet and exchange lists. The idea
is to build a credible political alternative before the big war in Afghanistan
actually begins as well as create a climate for defections from the Taliban
regime. As Quanooni told India Today, "A political alternative is
critical. Our people must see that we are in a position to provide a government.
There is no point in launching a major offensive before that."
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