India Today Group Online
 


November 19, 2001
Issue



COVER
   

Discovery Of India
Nervous about its allies and looking to a post-Afghan war scenario, the United States proposes a military alliance with India. The Government turns it down but this may not be the last word. An EXCLUSIVE report.

 

 
RUSSIAN TOUR
   

War And Peace II
In the Moscow Declaration Against Terrorism, Prime Minister Vajpayee and President Putin have reiterated friendship between India and Russia during peace time and shared firepower in case of war with a third party.

 
BOOK EXCERPTS
 

Inside The Secret World Of Bin Laden
Exclusive excerpts from Peter L. Bergen's Holy War, Inc. Currently terrorism analyst for CNN, Bergen met bin Laden in Afghanistan in 1997. His book is a sprawling thriller on the world's most wanted fugitive and his empire of terror.

 

 
STATES
 

Clash Of Comrades
Bhattacharya's economic reforms are stymied by differences with Politburo purists.

 

 
OTHER STORIES
     
 



 
 
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EDITORIAL

The Limits Of War

In this campaign America doesn't have to be more sensitive than the Taliban

Smoke and fire in the sky and Osama bin Laden still safe in the cave. That is the reality so far of the 21st century's first war. Conducting a war is not as easy as talking war. When President George Bush declared war on terrorism in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks, both the target and the trajectory of the campaign looked clear and attainable: a just war for the civilisational well-being, to be concluded with the capture, dead or alive, of bin Laden. Five weeks into the campaign, the target remains unchanged, but the trajectory keeps highlighting new uncomfortable questions, most pertinently: How long, Mr President? To keep the momentum as well as the alliance intact in the absence of major victories on the ground, answers are required.

Instead of answers, President Bush continues to renew his determination to fight terror, as he has done in his speech beamed to the Central European leaders meeting in Warsaw: "Like the fascists and totalitarians before them, these terrorists try to impose their radical views through threat and violence. We see the same intolerance of dissent, the same mad global ambitions, the same brutal determination..." So the war against the post-Nazi, post-communist evil empire cannot be a swift and sweet operation. This reassertion has been prompted by not only the elusive bin Laden but the situation in Afghanistan, in the coalition and in America itself. Precision bombings have not tamed the Taliban; winter and Ramzan could interfere; Arab and European partners in the coalition are a bit restless; and Americans are as fear-struck as ordinary Afghans. It cannot be a one-dimensional war.

But can America and its allies sustain a war that can go on and on? The so called enduring war for enduring peace, a war that could go beyond the lifetime of the warriors, is a lofty vision independent of reality. America, a superpower in fear, may have the spirit and the resources but its allies in Europe and Arabia cannot afford a never-ending war. But the war as it is conducted in Afghanistan has its own limits. The two catchwords of the campaign-precision and principle-are giving more hiding space for the terror masters. If there is a problem with this "civilisational" war, it is in American sensitivity versus American firepower. To make this war effective and swift, the defenders of freedom have to be only as sensitive as the enemy.


 
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