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November 19, 2001
Issue



COVER
   

Discovery Of India
Nervous about its allies and looking to a post-Afghan war scenario, the United States proposes a military alliance with India. The Government turns it down but this may not be the last word. An EXCLUSIVE report.

 

 
RUSSIAN TOUR
   

War And Peace II
In the Moscow Declaration Against Terrorism, Prime Minister Vajpayee and President Putin have reiterated friendship between India and Russia during peace time and shared firepower in case of war with a third party.

 
BOOK EXCERPTS
 

Inside The Secret World Of Bin Laden
Exclusive excerpts from Peter L. Bergen's Holy War, Inc. Currently terrorism analyst for CNN, Bergen met bin Laden in Afghanistan in 1997. His book is a sprawling thriller on the world's most wanted fugitive and his empire of terror.

 

 
STATES
 

Clash Of Comrades
Bhattacharya's economic reforms are stymied by differences with Politburo purists.

 

 
OTHER STORIES
     
 



 
 
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COVER STORY: INDO-US MILITARY ALLIANCE

The Great Debate

The CCS met again on November 3 to give Vajpayee a clear brief for his discussions with Bush in Washington. Once again the political leadership was unwilling to budge. Both Advani and Fernandes argued that accepting the US proposals would be construed as a sign of Indian weakness. It would also be a major departure from the existing national consensus against getting directly involved in the military disputes of a superpower.

Moreover, there was also a feeling that Washington was treating India and Pakistan at par and not being sufficiently attentive to India's concerns over cross-border terrorism. India, it was made clear-and conveyed to both Powell and Rumsfeld- would not accept unlimited military and economic assistance to Pakistan.

INS VIRAT: Washington wants India to escort US Navy supply ships through the Straits of Malacca and defend them against enemy action

At the same time the CCS did not throw out the entire gamut of US proposals. It was willing to consider replenishment of fuel and food and even anchorage for the USN. The idea was not to rebuff the US entirely. From India's perspective, keeping the door slightly ajar for more negotiations makes sense.

Despite the ingrained anti-Americanism that infects much of the political discourse in India, Vajpayee knows that there is a groundswell of public opinion in favour of extending full support to the US war effort. The environment seems right for breaking the hoary mould of non-alignment, despite India's unwillingness to get out of a Pakistan-centric mindset. HOWEVER, yielding to the compulsions of the moment also means giving in too easily. India, it would seem, is keen to extract a price from the US, as President Pervez Musharraf of Pakistan has done.

FIGHTING TOGETHER: The US has proposed joint field and tactical exercises with India but there could be political protests against this

From Powell to Rumsfeld, India has spelt out its own charter of demands. First, it wants the US to lift the ban on military supplies and allow the import of supercomputer technology and other hitech products. These bans remain in place despite the lifting of the post-Pokhran sanctions. Second, India wants US support for its bid to secure a permanent seat on the UN Security Council.

Some things are unstated. The CCS advised the prime minister to politely inform Bush at the White House meeting that it would need something more than the lunch-cum-Rose Garden diplomacy to persuade the Indian political class to join the US military mission. In a complex political canvas, the US would have to deliver more in terms of its support to India's position in Kashmir for a broad consensus to emerge.

DIVERGENT PULLS

DISSENTING DUO: While Fernandes (left) maintains his traditional disdain for the US, Advani feels accepting a military alliance would be an admission of Indian weakness.
INCLINED: The Americans repose faith in Jaswant's ability to influence the prime minister's thinking.
ON THE FENCE: On security matters Pant can be relied upon to toe Vajpayee's line blindly.

For any discussion on a military alliance to progress seriously, Washington would have to stop equating India and Pakistan. One would have to be treated as a strategic partner and the other, a duplicitous ally of convenience. Not that the US is unaware of India's scepticism. Even if the fear of being branded a "lackey of US imperialism" doesn't haunt a ruling party that banks on the aspirations of Green Card-chasing middle classes, there is a nationalist undercurrent that can be invoked by forces as diverse as the RSS and the CPI(M). An Indo-US military relationship, admitted Admiral Blair, isn't "as easy as turning on a switch". It requires political groundwork and mental preparedness. Yet, military observers concede that there is an inescapable logic to the US proposal.

In a post-Cold War age, the US is frankly embarrassed by the conduct of some of its allies, notably Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, in nurturing the terror network in the first place. The Republican faithful who put Bush in the White House seem fearful of an Islamic upsurge that offends the tenets of the "American way".

In the hunt for new partners, India fits the bill on a number of counts. It is well positioned geographically and is a democracy with a professional army. It has a large diaspora in the US. American Indians are noted for their education, enterprise and family values-all of which appeal to the US heartland. It understands the American idiom. Most important, India has an instinctive hatred for radical Islamists. Indeed, it has been named-after the US, Britain and Israel-by bin Laden as a target.

For India, the US proposals have a mixed appeal. There is, of course, the fear of the devastating social consequences of a large US troops presence. Images of South Vietnam and the Philippines haunt the middle classes. Against this, however, are the large strategic and colossal commercial spinoffs. Without question, Delhi is attracted by the possibility that a formal Indo-US alliance would mean the final burying of the Kashmir issue-to India's advantage. With access to the most advanced technology, India could begin the process of competing with China. Its regional power ambitions won't be thwarted and it would have fulfilled its unsatiated desire -recognition from the US of A. At the same time, a reduction in the defence budget would permit scarce resources to be diverted to the social sector and for economic development. Finally, there would be a significant multiplier effect of likely American defence investments in India-the US defence budget for 2000 was $313.3 billion (at Rs 15,00,000 crore, five times the size of India's entire Union Budget).

Would it compromise Indian sovereignty? That depends on how any military arrangement is negotiated and whether or not there are enough safeguards and opt-out clauses. However, an Indo-US military alliance wouldn't have Subic Bay or Okinawa as the model. It would be more akin to the US presence in democracies such as Britain and Germany-unobtrusive and understated. For the moment, the alliance idea seems stillborn. Some would say the Government upheld national honour. Others would interpret it as another missed opportunity.


 
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