FORWARD MARCH: Fernandes with Rumsfeld at the Pentagon

Dr Ram Reddy was ensconced in his condo in the swanky neighbourhood of Crystal City, Arlington, just half a mile from the Pentagon, and glued to the television, when he heard a loud blast followed by a shattering of his windows. Looking out, a bewildered Reddy saw plumes of smoke coming from the Pentagon building located less than 800 m from his house. For the veteran defence contractor, 9/11 was more than just a personal nightmare. It was a turning point in a business that had gone sour ever since the US had pronounced sanctions against India in 1998. It accelerated a process already in the cans, and eventually led to the lifting of sanctions on both India and Pakistan on September 22, 2001.

DIPLOMACY FERNANDES' CHECKLIST » Convergence of Indo-US naval interests from Persian Gulf to the Malacca Straits. » Military dialogue can be facilitated after formalising an information agreement. » Speed up the sale of defence equipment, which was agreed to prior to the 1998 sanctions. » Establish a "lab-to-lab" relationship that will aid exchange of scientists. » More on defence deals with US and Israel at revising the Asia policy

The lifting of sanctions in turn set off a chain of events that bested even the wildest expectations on India-US military cooperation. Reddy, CEO of Apex Technologies, like many other US defence companies, sensed an opportunity with the lifting of the Glenn, Pressler and Symington sanctions against India. The relationship got another leg-up a few weeks later in the wake of the meeting between US Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and Indian Defence Minister George Fernandes in Delhi on November 5. Now, Fernandes in Washington as the guest of Rumsfeld has added a new chapter.

REVISING THE ASIA POLICY WAKING UP DOCKING DEALS: American destroyers USS Okane (left) and USS Antietam in Mumbai With Chinese military assistance to Pakistan and other south Asian countries continuing unabated, Delhi is focusing on the contours of its larger Asia policy by adding strategic content to its relationship with the key global players. It wants to compete with the Chinese reach into south Asian and Indian Ocean rim countries. The Indian perception is that Beijing wants a role in the Indian Ocean by having a presence from the Persian Gulf to the South China Sea. By trying to forge closer defence ties with Oman and building naval ports at Gwadar in Pakistan and Za Det Kyi in Myanmar, China is signalling long-term interest in the lucrative oil route via the Malacca Straits. Delhi's assessment is that China, by supplying arms and equipment to South Asian countries, is trying to restrict Indian strategic space. While keen on not raising the temperature of Indo-Chinese relations, India does not want to abrogate its legitimate energy security role in the Indian Ocean. To become an active player in Asia's energy security, Delhi is now amenable to a proposal that envisages joint patrolling by Indian and American ships in the region between the Persian Gulf and the Malacca Straits to keep it free from terrorists, pirates, gun-runners and narco-traffickers. Defence Minister George Fernandes is expected to take up the issue with the Pentagon during his trip to the US, according to senior Defence Ministry officials. It is understood that the US mooted this proposal to the Indian Government during the build-up to Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan. Given the renewed Indo-US defence ties, Delhi is actively considering moves that will project its primacy in the region. India has also decided to forge closer defence relationships with its neighbours and ASEAN countries. Myanmar, for instance, expressed interest in Indian aircraft, 5.56-mm assault rifles, radars, communication equipment and night-vision devices as early as 1999. Requests for defence equipment supply, including fast attack craft, has also come from other countries such as Malaysia, Vietnam, Laos and Singapore. The Defence Ministry has now set an ambitious exports target of Rs 1,000 crore in the coming year. This is one programme where economic interests coincide with strategic ones. -Shishir Gupta

Talking to India Today, the spokesman for the US Department of Defence said the visit was "an opportunity to further strengthen the bilateral relationship between the US and India. As we share strategic interests in Asia and beyond, our defence and security cooperation will enable both nations to counter threats such as the spread of weapons of mass destruction, narcotics trafficking and, of course, international terrorism".

At the same time, the minister's meetings-including those with National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice-also signalled the convergence of strategic interests between the two countries in the region extending from the Persian Gulf to the Malacca Straits. The meetings will highlight India's potential as a blue water navy-as opposed to a coastal navy-and one that could be a strategic ally to the US. In his submissions at the Senate hearings last year, Secretary of State Colin Powell had maintained that India should be seen as an entity that can have a controlling presence in the Indian Ocean.

The visit has renewed contacts and cleared the political decks so that the bilateral military dialogue between the two countries can proceed at a faster pace. The first step in this direction is the acceptance of the General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA), which prevents signatories from passing classified information to third countries. After this deal-approved by the Union Cabinet last year-is inked, the two nations can move towards easier exchange of defence equipment, joint production of weapon systems and sharing of military intelligence. In the absence of the agreement, it is a case-by-case approval with an accompanying list of clearances from the US State Department and the Department of Defence. The minister's presence has given the impetus to the State Department to notify the US Congress for sale of defence equipment, which was agreed to before the imposition of sanctions in 1998.

Indian Ambassador to the US Lalit Mansingh agrees that bilateral military cooperation between the two countries will accelerate. "The long-term relationship will see transfer of technology that will be premised on a collaborative relationship between the two countries." Talking to Jane's Defence Weekly, US Ambassador to India Robert Blackwill noted that "there exists a conclusive acceleration in Indo-US defence cooperation".

Striking a pessimistic note, however, Andrew Koch, bureau chief for Jane's Defence Weekly in Washington, says, "The US would accept defence sales, such as those previously agreed to and others that would not alter the balance of forces in the Indian Ocean region. Don't expect to see the F-22 in India anytime soon."

But there is no denying the heightened level of military exchanges. Next month will also see General Richard B. Myers, the 15th chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and principal military adviser to the US President, travelling to India. This big-ticket event will be looking at further ironing out any differences to set the pace, as it were, ahead of the second Defence Policy Group meeting scheduled in May.

Clearly, the Indo-US military relationship is set to turn a corner. Fernandes may well have the last word on the form this relationship takes.