 |
 |
| NEW HAT: Naidu, seen above with Vajpayee, represents
a generational shift in the BJP; (below) Jaitley with mentor Advani |
For most
days, the BJP's 11 Ashoka Road office wears a somnolent look. The trickle
of visitors has grown thinner in recent years and the damp, humid rooms
at the back of the building are occupied by anonymous figures who spend
time gossiping or reading newspapers.
On July 1, the atmosphere was transformed. There were surging crowds
and the string of BJP leaders and ministers seemed endless. After a protracted
and bitter struggle, 72-year-old Jana Krishnamurthy grudgingly allowed
a change he had long resisted and stepped down. The new president, 53-year-old
former rural development minister M. Venkaiah Naidu, represents a generational
shift. He is one of the younger leaders who were handpicked by L.K. Advani
during the Ram temple movement.
The installation of Naidu as party president saw Prime Minister Atal
Bihari Vajpayee visiting the party headquarters after a long time. Immediately
after, Naidu got down to business. He has announced that there will be
"live contact" between the party and the Government. He is trying
to address a problem that has dogged party-Government relations almost
from the day the NDA Government was formed. Under Kushabhau Thakre, the
party became a passive appendage of the Vajpayee Government; and under
Krishnamurthy, it retreated into irrelevance, its office-bearers being
people of no political standing.
That a change of style is imminent became clear last week when the newly
appointed spokesman, former law minister Arun Jaitley, endeared himself
to the faithful by hitting out at the National Human Rights Commission's
interference in Gujarat politics. Jaitley's robust defence of Gujarat
Chief Minister Narendra Modi was in sharp contrast to the pmo's squeamishness
on the issue. The party, it was clear, would maintain an identity distinct
from the Government, though not in conflict with it.
The new look BJP team is certain to bear the stamp of Advani. Apart
from Jaitley, it is likely to include former Uttar Pradesh chief minister
Rajnath Singh, RSS veteran and Rajya Sabha member Bal Apte and former
minister Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi. RSS appointee Sanjay Joshi will, of course,
continue. With the deputy prime minister agreeing to devote more time
for party work, the countdown to the general elections in 2004 has well
and truly begun.
Naidu told India Today that there would be "quick changes"
in the organisation and said he was looking for leaders with "ability
and mobility". This means that the BJP president's effort will be
aimed at weeding out greying, anonymous people who hold key organisational
posts in Delhi and in the states. Ever since the tenure of Thakre, an
old-time pracharak, organisational appointments in the BJP have been ruled
by a strange doctrine of seniority that bore no relation to performance.
Now the emphasis will be on drive and energy. Among the early casualties
of this shift may be Delhi BJP chief Mange Ram Garg and Chhattisgarh state
chief Lakhi Ram Agarwal. In addition, Union ministers Uma Bharti and Vasundhara
Raje may be shifted to Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, in time for next
year's assembly polls. In time, Urban Development Minister Ananth Kumar
may head back to Karnataka.
What is planned is a grand overhaul, much more radical than the one
Vajpayee attempted but failed to execute in the Government. The BJP can
now be expected to aggressively target the Congress. Till now, BJP office
bearers took umbrage at any minister making a political statement. Naidu's
statement that he intends to carry "the BJP flag in one hand and
the NDA agenda in the other" seems to reflect the new priorities
that have been set out.
Advani's rising profile has led opposition parties to predict that the
BJP is bound to veer more sharply towards right of centre politics. Advani
categorically points out that "there is no question of returning
to the BJP agenda", but does make the point that no partner in the
NDA should be expected to be diffident or apologetic about its identity.
This, however, does not amount to any endorsement of the VHP line, he
stresses. Indeed, the idea is to isolate the VHP by allowing the BJP to
reclaim some of its political aggression and anti-Congress thunder. At
the same time, efforts are on to steer yesterday's Hindutva hardliners
into more politically acceptable directions.
A case in point is the appointment of Bajrang Dal founder and Faizabad
MP Vinay Katiyar as the party chief in Uttar Pradesh. Katiyar was not
chosen for his pro-temple stand but because he combined a political approach
with the right caste label-he is a Kurmi.
Yet the Hindutva issue is bound to be raked up when Gujarat goes to
polls later in the year. This will need skilful handling on the part of
the BJP. In recent years, the task of incorporating elements of Hindutva
which are central to the party's identity had taken a backseat. This was
partly because BJP office-bearers, including party spokespersons, simply
did not connect with the cadre.
To restore the links, Naidu is expected to tour the various units of
the party across the country. This is not an unusual routine for the frequent
flyer. He and his team have to produce a feel-good factor about the Government.
Now that the Vajpayee regime has completed roughly half its term, this
is not going to be an easy job. Despite the danger of the current euphoria
dying down, the new BJP team may succeed in reducing the odds stacked
against the party. Yet, in the final analysis, the party can succeed if
its own Government is seen to be effective. That is something which is
beyond Naidu's control.
|
CURRENT
ISSUE JULY 15, 2002
Her
backward caste appeal and populism could see her being projected
as the BJP's choice in Madhya Pradesh.
Having
barely escaped being dropped from the Cabinet, he may be packed
off as chief of the Karnataka unit shortly.
If
Bhairon Singh Shekhawat becomes vice-president of India, she
will be designated his successor in Rajasthan.
){kind=link}