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Chatting
up Pakistan Learning the virtues of
meaningless conversation
That talks between Indian and Pakistani
diplomats are no more than a ritual has long been an open secret. During the recent
secretary-level exchanges in Delhi even pretences were dispensed with. The most
substantial policy statements were made far from the negotiating table. In Islamabad, the
Pakistani foreign minister told a news agency that his country would not deploy nuclear
weapons if India made a similar promise. In Lucknow, the Indian home minister called
Pakistan a "terrorist state". At the talks themselves, Indian representatives
argued that settling smaller disputes or allowing greater cultural exchanges should
prepare the ground for a true detente. Their Pakistani interlocutors turned conventional
wisdom on its head. They insisted any conflict resolution should begin with Kashmir.
Broadly, the two countries are still at square one. They disagreed before the talks; now
they disagree with a greater degree of cordiality.
Given this half-farcical, half-impossible situation is there
any point persisting with the parleys? Geography leaves India no choice in the matter.
Contiguous neighbours and continuous disputes necessitate constant dialogue. That apart,
to call off talks or even appear less than interested would be to play into Pakistan's
hands. Islamabad has convinced itself that it is at a disadvantage in any bilateral forum
due to the sheer size differential. Part of its recalcitrance can be explained by its
fervent desire for third party, pro-Pakistani intervention. This will make the
subcontinent as much of an international playground as, say, West Asia. It is to
Pakistan's advantage therefore to ensure that direct negotiations go precisely nowhere and
the global community makes south Asia its business. Such an eventuality will do no harm to
Pakistan -- but will scupper India's geo-political ambitions. If to prevent that alone,
Delhi has to keep chatting -- while keeping its powder dry.
Misplaced Priorities
Is a nationally ignored election Mizoram's pace
dividend?
In an election season where political and
media attention is focused on Delhi, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, it is easy to forget
that Mizoram too is going to the polls. Not that this relegation to a collective amnesia
is anything new for Mizoram. The entire North-east, in fact, is often a forgotten corner
of India -- a laggard rather than a leader in popular perception. How unfair such notions
are. Till well into the '80s, Mizoram was torn apart by insurgency. The discontent went
back to the days when the region was a part of Assam and substantially neglected during a
calamitous famine. Subsequently, Mizoram became a separate though troubled province. In
1986 negotiations between the militant Mizo National Front (MNF) and the Government of
India came to a successful conclusion. An accord was signed and peace returned, bringing
with it everyday, bread and butter politics. Today voters in Aizawl and in the hinterland
confront issues like corruption, inefficiency, moral decay; separatism is dead. The MNF
has been true to its word, put away its guns for good and become a regular political
party.
Mizoram's absolute renunciation of insurgent-induced violence
has few parallels in the world -- and certainly none in India. While other states are in
the midst of an election which, like almost any other in India, is obsessed with the past,
Mizoram has put history behind. In contrast, the 1984 Sikh massacre is still a festering
wound in Delhi. Ultimately it is a question of commitment: the MNF was sincere about
peace, those who promised to punish the guilty of 1984 were not. It is an irony that India
reacts instantaneously when, say, former militants in Punjab threaten a return to bad days
and worse ways. On the other hand, a Mizoram which stays away from such blackmail gets the
cold shoulder. Talk about a nation's priorities. |