THE USUAL
SUSPECTS
A Vajpayee DoctrineCan the BJP turn a slogan into common sense?
Swapan Dasgupta
Flanked by Jayalalitha on one side and L.K. Advani on the
other, Atal Bihari Vajpayee didn't quite look the man India was anxiously awaiting. At the
release of the National Agenda for Governance, grandly billed as the programme that would
succeed in "closing the gap between people's aspirations and the government's
performance", the near-winner of the 1998 general election looked buoyant and sounded
vague. Who wouldn't after the interminable confabulations and dinners that have made the
BJP-led alliance appear a Hinduised reincarnation of the United Front? The first
government in 50 years (not counting the 13-day wonder) to be headed by a man who has
never been associated with the Congress should, ideally, have been a turning point in
Indian history. Instead, Indian history is refusing to budge.
Maybe it is rash to jump to conclusions. Maybe future
historians will indeed single out March 1998 as the real point of departure. They may even
point to the National Agenda as the document that made it happen. It all depends. Depends
on how the BJP and its 12 allies interpret the confusing verdict (as distinct from a
mandate) of the general election. In essence, they have two choices. The first is to
perceive the Vajpayee regime as a patchwork quilt woven together for the sole purpose of
forging a government. If this is the self-perception of the regime, it can never work
cohesively and can endure only as long as sufficient number of MPs feel disinclined to
take another shy at elections. It will be a government that will pursue a line of least
resistance, because it has no decisive mandate. It will be in power, but will abdicate
governance.
The alternative depends on the BJP. As the largest party,
with a national spread -- it has MPs from all the main states except Kerala -- the BJP has
to either lead from the front or suffer the consequences. For its own sake, it must
transform difficulty into opportunity. There is little percentage in hard-liners waiting
cussedly for the day the party has the requisite MPs to scrap Article 370 and enact a
common civil code. The fact is that the National Agenda is not absolutely lacking in
ideological ammunition for purposeful politics.
At the core is the avowed commitment to give the reforms
"a strong swadeshi thrust" via the principle "India shall be built by
Indians". Although strategically placed in the section on the economy, swadeshi is
much more than a doctrine of economic choice. It is a political philosophy that will begin
to have a resonance when applied with the National Agenda's strictures against the
"destructive ... politics of negativism and untouchability". In other words, the
challenge before the BJP is to take its preoccupation with Indian nationhood well beyond
the stifling parameters of Hindu-Muslim discord and translate it into other areas. The BJP
has overtaken the Sonia Congress in terms of seats and national reach. To consolidate
itself as the new pole of politics, it must strive to elevate doctrine into common sense.
If the Vajpayee Government puts its heart and soul into this project -- of course, it has
to deliver in limited areas such as investment in infrastructure and equitable
Centre-state relations -- it could find that there are returns from even a coalition
surviving on a wafer-thin majority. Vajpayee's real challenge is not managing a coalition,
but in shaping politics. His statesmanship is not in doubt; he is on probation as a
politician. |